Obama vows to help pro-trade Democrats fight off the left wing

President Obama is pledging to campaign for skittish House Democrats against challenges from the left if they support his massive Pacific free trade pact, putting his political capital on the line as the administration enters a crucial stretch to win passage.

“I’ve got your back,” Obama told two dozen lawmakers from the New Democrat Coalition at the White House late Thursday afternoon, according to Rep. Gerald Connolly (D-Va.), who attended and is supporting the trade initiative.

“He was emphatic,” Connolly said. “He wanted to make a point. He did not want anyone to leave the room without them knowing he would personally come in and do whatever he has to do for them to be reelected.”

Obama’s forceful personal push illustrates the high stakes as he seeks to bolster tepid support among his own party for the 12-nation Trans-Pacific Partnership, which he has called one of his top legislative priorities. House Republican leaders, who support the trade initiative, have said the president needs to secure 50 or more Democratic votes to ensure passage of “fast-track” legislation that would smooth the way for the administration to complete the deal.

But only about a dozen House Democrats have firmly voiced their support, with another dozen on the fence, according to estimates from Democrats who favor the deal.

GOP leaders are eyeing potential votes within two weeks, and with the window closing, the administration has revved its lobbying into high gear. Obama highlighted the trade pact during meetings with Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe this week, and he will travel to Portland, Ore., on May 8 to tout the economic benefits during an appearance at Nike headquarters, the White House said.

The administration has shifted from technical explanations from cabinet officials to promises of direct political support from Obama. The attention represents a substantial personal investment by Obama, whose political appearances on behalf of individual House Democrats have been almost nonexistent the past six years, as he delegated the task to Vice President Biden.

“I think it helped everybody in the room,” said Rep. Mike Quigley (D-Ill.), who also attended the White House meeting and supports the trade deal. “It did not just help those who are undecided but it reinforced those who are pluses that if you come out early [in favor] it’s okay to be a ‘yes.’”

Rep. Jim Himes (D-Conn.), a vice-chairman of the New Democrats, said the meeting was reserved for about 25 lawmakers who were either “committed yes or still on the bubble” on the fast-track vote. During a 1 1/2-hour meeting, the lawmakers heard from Obama, U.S. Trade Representative Michael Froman, White House political director David Simas and economic adviser Jeffrey Zients.

Obama “was willing to go deep in the weeds,” Himes said. “There’s no doubt in my mind the president and his people consider this a legacy achievement.”

That Himes finds himself on the bubble, along with other New Democrats, is a sign of how much success labor leaders have had in sowing doubts about the trade legislation.

In 2011, when Obama presented trade deals with Colombia, Panama and South Korea, Himes voted yes on all three. The Panama pact had the most Democratic votes, 66, while the Colombia deal received the fewest, 31 Democratic ayes. All three were approved by Congress.

Four years later, Democrats may only be able to deliver 25 yes votes, according to interviews with lawmakers, lobbyists and aides from both sides of the aisle. That has prompted Republican leaders to question whether the president is making any headway with his own party.

“Every Democrat leader in the House and Senate are opposed to giving the president what he is asking for,” House Speaker John A. Boehner (R-Ohio) said Thursday. Obama “needs to step up his game in terms of garnering more support,” he added.

During the White House meeting, Obama did not put a number on how many Democratic votes the administration hopes to get for the “fast-track” bill. But the president did joke about Boehner’s difficulty securing his own GOP support in past legislative fights, according to participants in the meeting.

Himes said that he would spend next week meeting with his local AFL-CIO leaders in his suburban Connecticut district. He credited opponents, including the dean of his state’s delegation, Rep. Rosa DeLauro (D-Conn.), for their determination. They began anti-fast-track campaign with a letter signed by more than 150 Democrats in late 2013.

“I think they’ve got a little catch up to do,” Himes said of the Obama administration. “The card game started to be played a year ago.”

Sensing the stretch run, the administration on Friday released a report from the Council on Economic Advisers touting the economic benefits of liberalizing trade. The report aimed to contest the argument from labor unions and progressives that previous trade pacts, most notably the 1993 North American Free Trade Agreement, have led to significant outsourcing for U.S. companies and job losses for American workers.

“The president has really leaned into passage of this legislation. He has directed all of us to be very active very granular level members of the Hill,” said Commerce Secretary Penny Pritzker, who was in Los Angeles on Friday with Japan’s Abe to talk about the merits of trade with the U.S.-Japan Council, a business group.

Of her Japanese counterparts, she added: “I’ve heard from their team how critical it is getting the deal done. . . . But this is not just about Japan. It’s about everyone wanting to know if the administration and Congress are in lock-step in terms of the objective.”

Paul Kane covers Congress and politics for the Washington Post.

 

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Why Bernie Sanders is the Democratic Ron Paul — and why he isn’t

A former third-party candidate announced his long-shot presidential bid for a major party nomination and, despite trailing in the polls and not having the support of the party establishment, his supporters are hopeful that his candidacy will change the status quo.

That statement could be about Ron Paul 2008 and 2012 and/or Bernie Sanders 2016. And in many ways, Sanders is something of a Democratic version of Paul.

Here’s what they have in common, and what they don’t:

Similarities
Devoted online followings

Paul had a massive and loyal Internet following. His supporters voted for him early and often in online polls and liked him on social media at a rate that trumped most other candidates. Sanders showed signs of a similar online support Thursday when stories about him made up to 60 percent of Reddit’s r/politics page, though he’s clearly not yet on Paul’s level here.

Popularity

Both have polled with as low as 8 percent support — Paul in November 2011 and Sanders today. And while Paul averaged 23 percent of the vote in caucus states and 12 percent in primaries in 2012, that seems like a reasonable ceiling for Sanders.

The bailout

Both were opposed to the 2008 Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) bailout. In 2008, Paul said it would “only make the problem worse” and Sanders said if taxpayer money had to be used, it should be from “those people who have caused the problem, those people who have benefited from President George W. Bush’s tax breaks for millionaires and billionaires.”

Drugs

Paul said he wants to get the federal government out of regulating drugs, and Sanders has voted to legalize marijuana and against requiring federal employees to undergo random drug tests.

Foreign policy

Both have expressed views on foreign policy that involve less involvement rather than more. Sanders, for example, has said Middle Eastern countries should be involved in the majority of the fight against the Islamic State, and Paul has called the U.S. “an empire by any definition, and quite possibly the most aggressive, extended and expansionist in the history of the world.” Both, accordingly, voted against the war in Iraq.

 

NSA mass surveillance

Despite being on different ends of the political spectrum, both men have been cautious of the country’s surveillance apparatus. Paul has called for getting rid of the NSA, while Sanders said he was “deeply concerned” by some of the its actions.

Party evolution

Rand Paul ran for president in 1988 as a Libertarian before running for the Republican nomination in 2008 and 2012, and Sanders is an Independent (and self-described socialist) who is running for the Democratic nomination. Sanders does, however, currently caucus with Senate Democrats.

Policing

Both have made comments that police officers should scale back in some areas. Paul said “the Republic is no more” and we “now live a police state,” and Sanders said during unrest in Ferguson, “it really does make it appear that the police department there is an occupying army in a hostile territory.”

Same-sex marriage

They’re both okay with same-sex marriage for different reasons. Sanders is supportive of LGBT rights, and Paul doesn’t think the government should even be involved in marriage, saying, “If two individuals want to call themselves married, fine and dandy, that’s their business.”

Differences
Basic beliefs about the role of government

Sanders doesn’t necessarily have a problem with the government getting involved in things — hence “socialist” — and Paul generally does — hence “libertarian.”

Conspiracy theories

Paul has floated several conspiracy theories, including that 9/11 was an inside job and that the disappearance of Malaysian Airlines flight MH17 was connected to Russia. Sanders isn’t known for such outside-the-mainstream theories.

Abortion

Paul is opposed to abortion rights; Sanders is not.

Guns

Paul had an “A+” rating with the NRA, and Sanders had an “F.”

Taxes

Paul is pretty much against higher taxes, while Sanders thinks the rich should pay more.

 

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McAuliffe travels in search of cash for Virginia Democrats

RICHMOND — Virginia Gov. Terry McAuliffe travels to three states in search of campaign cash Friday and Saturday, winging to Illinois, Indiana and Kentucky to benefit his political action committee and the Democratic Governors Association.

The heavy travel schedule caps a week that began with McAuliffe (D) making fundraising pitches for his PAC in California, where he had traveled on official business to participate in a panel discussion held in Beverly Hills by the independent Milken Institute, an economic think tank.

The trips follow McAuliffe’s appearance last Saturday at the South Carolina Democratic Convention and an April 19 “Meet the Press” interview on the launch of Hillary Clinton’s presidential campaign.

 

 

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Cuomo praises Hillary for Brooklyn headquarters

ALBANY—At a Brooklyn Democratic Party dinner last night, Governor Andrew Cuomo praised Hillary Clinton’s choice to locate her campaign headquarters in the borough, calling Brooklyn “the heart and soul of the Democratic party” and the springboard for what he hoped would be a Democratic takeover of Congress in 2016.

“I love all the county chairs, but Brooklyn plays a special role always,” Cuomo said in his brief address, after praising former state Democratic party chairman and state comptroller H. Carl McCall, who Cuomo said had been the “guiding force” for state Democrats while “the Democratic Party was alone for a long 12 years when we had George Pataki as governor.”

Cuomo ran against McCall for the Democratic nomination in 2002, but withdrew before the primary, and McCall subsequently lost to Pataki in the general election.

“Brooklyn is going to play a special role in this country as the headquarters for Hillary Clinton’s presidential campaign,” Cuomo said last night. “And Hillary knew what she was doing because in many ways Brooklyn has always represented the heart and soul of the Democratic party.

“It’s at the foot of the Statue of Liberty. It says come one, come all. Brooklyn is all about diversity, it’s about black and white and brown, all together all religions. And it stands for the premise that we invite everyone in, because we believe we can forge one from many.”

“And Brooklyn was never about, bring me your rich. Brooklyn was, bring me those people who want to work together to be part of the family of New York,” he said, invoking the famous phrase of his father, former governor Mario Cuomo, who died earlier this year.

“That’s Brooklyn,” he said. “It is, in many ways, the test tube of the Democratic party.”

“And that’s why Hillary’s going to be here in Brooklyn, and we respect that and we look forward to Brooklyn being the home of a national Democratic wave next year that goes across this state … that gives the president a Congress that can actually get past gridlock and get to a functioning situation like we’ve been doing in Albany.”

An attendee provided tape of Cuomo’s speech to Capital. Cuomo’s appearance at the dinner was not included on his public schedule.

 

 

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Just Do It: Obama Tries To Sway Skeptical Democrats On Trade

President Obama met Thursday with moderate Democrats in hopes of rallying support for a controversial Asia-Pacific trade deal.

The president will need approval from at least some members of his own party to win passage of a “fast-track” bill, authorizing him to complete trade negotiations and present the agreement for an up-or-down vote in Congress.

So far, most Democratic lawmakers have been skeptical.

“I don’t think enough of our issues have been resolved for us to be having a big movement of votes toward the bill,” House Democratic Leader Nancy Pelosi said Thursday. “Hopefully we can have some accommodations” to make the agreement more palatable.

“What does it do to increase the paycheck of America’s workers?” Pelosi asked. Democrats worry that any further liberalization of trade rules would lead to a greater exodus of U.S. jobs. And they complain past trade agreements, including NAFTA and the three-year-old pact with South Korea have not lived up to expectations.

Republican lawmakers are generally more supportive of trade deals, and House Speaker John Boehner promised “strong Republican support” for the fast-track bill. Some Tea Party members are wary, however, of giving the president any additional negotiating authority. The more House Republicans that withhold support, the bigger boost Obama will need from his own party.

“The president needs to step up his game in terms of garnering more support amongst Democrats, especially here in the House,” Boehner said Thursday. “I don’t think those who are involved in trade have done a very good job of helping the American [people] understand the benefits of trade and why, in fact, it’s good for America.”

Political operatives close to the president commissioned a poll which shows a narrow majority of Democrats — 52 percent — back the Asia-Pacific trade deal. That number climbed to 82 percent when survey respondents were told the deal would make it easier for American companies to export products, and that it would raise labor and environmental standards.

The survey was released on Thursday by a group calling itself the “Progressive Coalition for American Jobs.” Other progressive groups, which generally oppose the trade agreement, mocked the new coalition as an artificial vehicle for promoting the president’s trade agenda.

Next week, Obama takes his trade show on the road — to Oregon. That’s the home state of Sen. Ron Wyden, who’s one of the top Democrats supporting the deal. Obama plans to take part in a pro-trade event at Nike. The Beaverton, Ore., company relies heavily on contract factories in Asia to produce its goods. Nike sneakers made in Vietnam could see lower tariffs if the trade deal is approved.

 

 

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Alejandro Mayorkas can’t recall Democrats seeking visa favors, only Republicans

The deputy homeland security secretary said repeatedly Thursday that he couldn’t remember conversations in which he was accused of giving special treatment to high-profile Democrats seeking visas for wealthy foreign clients — but did say he could recall Republicans making the same kinds of inquiries.

Alejandro Mayorkas, the deputy secretary whose previous tenure as the head of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services is under scrutiny, said when he did intervene in visa cases, it was to make sure his agency was following the law, not to give special treatment.

Defending himself for the first time in public, weeks after a scathing inspector general’s report, the deputy secretary said he had taken steps to avoid the appearance of a conflict of interest in the cases involvingDemocrats, but acknowledged a startling number of his own employees thought he broke ethics rules anyway.

“I am responsible for the perception my employees have for the work I do, and I bear that responsibility, and I regret the perceptions my work created,” Mr. Mayorkas told the House Committee on Homeland Security, which called a hearing to look into accusations against the No. 2 man at the department.

Among the accusations contained in a 99-page report from Inspector General John Roth are that Mr. Mayorkas intervened in three cases where he was lobbied by the high-profile Democrats. In each instance Mr. Mayorkas overruled his own career employees and gave favorable treatment to the Democrats‘ clients — treatment they would not have gotten had he stayed on the sidelines.

“This is your day to respond to these accusations, sir,” said Rep. Michael T. McCaul, Texas Republican and the committee chairman.

Mr. Mayorkas told lawmakers he couldn’t remember many of the conversations the inspector general said happened, but he said his intervention in each case was designed to ensure his agency made the right decisions.

He said he usually got involved because the investor program in question, the EB-5 visa, was so broken, and his employees were having trouble squaring their duties with what was required by law.

“If a concern with respect to our adherence to the law is raised, it is our obligation to address that concern,” the deputy secretary said.

Mr. Mayorkas also said that while the inspector general highlighted his intervention in response to Democrats, Republicans had also lobbied in at least one of the three cases. He said members of Congress from both sides of the aisle make 1,500 inquiries per year about EB-5 cases — the most of any program administered by USCIS.

Prodded by Democrats on the committee, Mr. Mayorkas ticked off the names of Republicans from Mississippi who lobbied on one of the three cases the inspector general cited for undue influence.

The hearing was contentious from the start, as when Mr. McCaul tried to put Mr. Mayorkas under oath to tell the truth during his testimony.

“I find that’s unusual and unnecessary,” said Rep. Bonnie Watson Coleman, New Jersey Democrat, who wondered why Mr. McCaul didn’t also swear in the inspector general at a previous hearing where he laid out the findings about Mr. Mayorkas.

She and other Democrats attacked the inspector general, accusing him of shading his findings by failing to point out that Republicans were also involved in lobbying on EB-5 cases.

Republicans said the focus should be on Mr. Mayorkas. They said they were surprised he was unable to recall key details about his communications with the high-profile Democrats.

 

 

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US: Democrats, GOP back measures to curtail citizen surveillance by National Security Agency

Nearly two years after whistleblower Edward Snowden was branded a traitor by the federal government for revealing mass surveillance of Americans by the National Security Agency, politicians from both sides of the aisle are introducing legislation to snip NSA’s snooping powers.

Bills ending the indiscriminate hoovering up of metadata on Americans’ digital communications have the apparent support of both parties. The House is poised to pass the USA Freedom Act to overhaul the soon-to-expire Patriot Act, which granted the NSA sweeping new police powers. An identical bill is gaining momentum in the Senate despite the objections of majority leader Mitch McConnell, reports the New York Times.

Both bills would bar the bulk collection by NSA’s of Americans’ phone records under Section 215 of the US Patriot Act. Instead, records would be kept by phone companies, and the agency would have to win approval for access from the Foreign Intelligence Service Act court. FISA, largely seen as a rubber-stamp court for any NSA request, would face its own overhaul with the addition of an advisory panel of experts on civil liberties. The measures would allow companies to challenge the so-called National Security Letters, which are types of subpoena issued by the FBI that come with a gag order, notes NPR.

“Surveillance reform is not a partisan issue, it’s an American issue,” said Wisconsin Republican Representative Jim Sensenbrenner, who introduced the original Patriot Act in 2001 and authored the new House measure.  “The bill ends bulk collection, it ends secret law. It increases the transparency of our intelligence community and it does all this without compromising national security.

While altering the Patriot Act, both bills would also extend it with the modification, until 2019.

The move won’t completely satisfy the most adamant civil libertarians who want the Patriot Act tosimply expire June 1. Nor does it please security and defense hawks who want all NSA powers to remain intact.

But the debate has united a strange combination of bedfellows including House Speaker John  Boehner, the White House, the Tea Party and a bipartisan majority in the House, notes the Times.

 

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